Democracy Digest: Polish PM Calls Confidence Vote After His Party Loses Presidential Poll

One of the immediate changes to be introduced after the presidential poll will be the appointment of a government spokesperson – a position that has remained unfilled since the Tusk government took power at the end of 2023. That decision was announced after a meeting on Wednesday between Tusk and MPs from his party in which they examined the causes and consequences of the election result. Polish media, including Gazeta Wyborcza and oko.press, cited anonymous sources from the governing camp criticising the PM for wanting to control everything and preferring to communicate directly with the public via social media, instead of using a spokesperson. This, they say, has meant that some of the achievements of the government have not been properly communicated to the public. One of the main complaints levelled at the government’s losing candidate, Warsaw Mayor Rafal Trzaskowski, by voters who came out in favour of his rival was that he represented a government that has not done much for some segments of society such as the youth.

Fidesz withdraws Kremlin-style bill; former foreign minister attacked with a hammer

Hungary’s ruling Fidesz party U-turned on its controversial “Transparency of Public Life” bill, which was widely seen as an attempt to silence critical media and NGOs by draining their financial resources, saying it would no longer go to a vote next week. Given the supermajority that Viktor Orban’s party enjoys in parliament, the bill was expected to pass easily. There’s been huge speculation about the possible reasons for backpedalling – a rare move by the PM, who tends to ignore red lines as he steers Hungary towards an increasingly autocratic, Russian-style system of government. “We will remove the law from the agenda and will not vote on it before the summer recess,” Fidesz parliamentary group leader Mate Kocsis announced. He insisted that Fidesz MPs agree that efforts which “violate sovereignty must be confronted head-on, whether they come from the East or the West, but there is a debate about the means.” As the law was personally endorsed by the PM – who even declared it too soft in an interview in May – the U-turn can be seen as a personal defeat. Investigative journalist Szabolcs Panyi from VSquare wrote that there was heated debate within the governing party about the law, while political analyst Gabor Torok explained it wouldn’t bring much support for Orban in the long run. Polls show the opposition party Tisza party is leading Fidesz by 5-9 points less than a year before the general election and the government’s powerful propaganda machinery seems helpless in the face of the rising star Peter Magyar. Others attribute the climbdown to significant pressure coming from Brussels and some European capitals. There was even speculation that the European Commission could fast-track the Article 7 proceedings (removal of voting rights) against Hungary or freeze its agricultural funds, which would have dealt a serious blow to Fidesz-close agricultural companies. The banks had also quietly pointed out that the law would require digital innovations to screen foreign transfers and could also be in breach of tax secrecy. Independent media and NGOs can now breathe a sigh of relief at least temporarily, but the draft bill has not fully disappeared and could return to the table in the autumn.

A former foreign minister, Geza Jeszenszky, was brutally attacked with a hammer outside his Budapest home this week and suffered serious injuries. The attack shocked Hungary where – so far – politicians have not been subject to physical violence. Jeszenszky, 83, suffered skull fractures and was taken to hospital, but is on the way to making a full recovery. “A part of my skull has been removed, but I hope it won’t cause any problem when I wear a ski helmet,” the well-known skiing enthusiast joked in an interview. Jeszenszky was on a Sunday stroll with his wife when the unknown man attacked them both. The attacker was also carrying fuel and a lighter, which, it is believed, he wanted to use to burn the elderly politician alive. Jeszenszky was saved by a waiter at a nearby restaurant who chased and caught the attacker. “I am very grateful for him for catching the man, otherwise I would have lived in fear with my wife,” he said. The shocking incident took a bizarre twist when Jeszenszky’s son, a well-known fan of Orban, said that “his father has long been serving Satan”, so it’s no wonder he was attacked. The former foreign minister is a staunch critic of Orban’s government and was one of the few diplomats to publicly resign (he was then serving as ambassador to Norway) in protest at the government’s increasingly pro-Russian stance. His son is one of the Orban government’s chief propagandists, and their strained relationship has become a symbol of how politics in today’s Hungary is dividing families.

Czech govt in disarray over bitcoin scandal; contract for new nuclear reactors signed

With less than four months to go before the high-stakes parliamentary elections, Czechia’s four-party coalition is wobbling in the wake of a peculiar crypto-related scandal. On May 30, the justice minister, Pavel Blazek – a senior member of the ruling ODS and a close ally of PM Petr Fiala – was forced to resign after the local paper Denik N revealed that his ministry had accepted a ‘donation’ in bitcoin worth 40 million euros from a convicted drug dealer and dark web entrepreneur Tomas Jirikovsky. While dismissing accusations of corruption, money laundering or any other illegal wrongdoing, Blazek stepped down from his post in the face of the criticism from the opposition, coalition partners and even from within ODS itself. His resignation did little to quell the spiralling scandal, with significant question marks remaining as to the origins of the received funds, underlying motives and administrative reporting failures. Seizing the golden opportunity, opposition parties called on the entire government to resign, with both PM Fiala – whose rise to the top is widely credited to Blazek’s influence – and Finance Minister Zbynek Stanjura – who admitted he had known about and warned against the donation – in the eye of the storm. Eager not to be associated with an already unpopular, scandal-prone ODS just months before the general election, coalition partners are also calling for an investigation to shed more light on the affair.

After months of legal limbo and diplomatic wrangling, signing the deal to build two new reactors at the Dukovany nuclear power plant took just a matter of hours. On Wednesday morning, Czechia’s Supreme Administrative Court (NSS) annulled a regional court’s preliminary injunction which had been blocking the signing of the contract between EDU II (the subsidiary of Czech utilities CEZ in charge of the project) and South Korea’s KHNP to build the reactors. Hours later, PM Fiala announced the final contract was immediately signed – electronically and remotely – after the injunction was lifted. “The contract for the completion of Dukovany has just been signed. One of the largest projects in the modern history of the Czech Republic aims to ensure the energy security and self-sufficiency of the Czech Republic – for today’s and future generations,” Fiala said. KHNP won the 16-billion-euro tender almost a year ago. Scheduled for May 7, the signing of the contract was indefinitely postponed after French company and unsuccessful bidder EDF launched a series of judicial appeals that caused anger and embarrassment in equal measure in Prague. The deal, which also includes the possibility for two smaller reactors at Czechia’s second nuclear power plant of Temelin, is now expected to move to its next phase, with a geological survey planned for the summer. The Czech authorities additionally dismissed concerns that further legal hurdles could come from the EU, to which EDF also turned after alleging that KHNP had received illegal state subsidies and whose approval the Czech Republic still needs to greenlight the reactors’ financing model. “The European Commission is not conducting any formal proceedings against us, but an informal dialogue,” Fiala assured.

Slovak president backs rise in NATO spend; EP mission warns of democratic drift

President Peter Pellegrini confirmed Slovakia’s support for a proposed rise in NATO defence spending during Monday’s Bucharest Nine summit in Vilnius, but called for greater flexibility in implementation timelines, citing economic constraints. Pellegrini backed NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte’s proposal for member states to gradually raise defence-related spending to 5 per cent of GDP – 3.5 per cent earmarked for defence and 1.5 per cent for strategic infrastructure. “Europe must take greater responsibility for its own security. I fully support increased spending and strengthening the European pillar within NATO,” Pellegrini said, proposing a ten-year transition instead of the suggested seven. “Slovakia will be a responsible partner. We won’t stand in the way of consensus, but we must seek compromise.” At home, though, the plan has drawn sharp criticism. The opposition Christian Democrats said Pellegrini committed to it without prior debate, while the coalition Slovak National Party warned that such spending could harm the economy and “lead us dangerously close to global conflict”. Defence Minister Robert Kalinak of the ruling Smer party warned against unrealistic expectations. “A jump from 2 to 5 per cent would blow our budget to pieces. Our defence industry, and much of Europe’s, simply cannot absorb such sums effectively. If others approve it, we won’t block it – but we will chart our own course suited to our needs.” PM Robert Fico also struck a cautious tone, saying the issue “will still be the subject of political debate”.

A European Parliamentary delegation raised concerns during a visit that Slovakia is drifting from democratic norms, warning that recent developments resemble early signs of democratic erosion seen elsewhere in the region. While the lawmakers stopped short of comparing the country directly to Hungary under Viktor Orban, they pointed to troubling legislative changes and intensifying pressure on independent institutions. Led by Belgian MEP Sophie Wilmes, the four-member team from the EP’s democracy and rule-of-law monitoring group visited Bratislava this week, just days after another group were in town to investigate the potential misuse of EU funds. Unlike the previous delegation, which faced a hostile reception from Slovak officials, the latest mission was met with greater openness, including meetings with senior members of the government. Despite the more constructive tone, the delegation still expressed concern over reforms to the criminal code, increased political attacks on judges and journalists, and declining editorial independence following the transformation of Slovakia’s public broadcaster. Lawmakers also highlighted the risks posed by the law on NGOs and proposed constitutional changes that could undermine the primacy of European law. PM Fico dismissed the mission’s authority and reiterated criticism over Belgium’s handling of the 2018 death of a Slovak citizen in Belgian custody. Justice Minister Boris Susko said the delegation’s conclusions did not reflect the government’s explanations.